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Showing posts with label Kim Jung Un. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Kim Jung Un. Show all posts

Wednesday, June 13, 2018

Should Trump Win The Nobel Peace Prize? If So, What Will The Liberals Do Then?


Breaking: President Trump Nominated for Nobel Peace Prize by Norwegian Lawmakers

Breaking: President Trump Nominated for Nobel Peace Prize by Norwegian Lawmakers
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Two Norwegian lawmakers have nominated President Donald Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize for meeting with North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un and reaching an agreement to work toward denuclearization of the Korean peninsula.
Christian Tybring-Gjedde and Per-Willy Amundsen are members of Norway’s governing Progress Party and nominated the U.S. president the day after the Singapore summit, according to the Norwegian government-owned broadcaster NRK.
“What’s going on now is historic,” Per-Willy told NRK, according to Bloomberg. “A process is underway to ensure world peace in the future. It’s a fragile process, but we must of course do what we can to help this process bring good results.”
The lawmakers also told Norwegian news agency NTB that Trump “had taken a huge and important step in the direction of the disarmament, peace and reconciliation between North and South Korea,” The Associated Press reported.
Since the deadline for nominations for this year’s prize has already passed, Trump’s nomination will make him eligible for next year.
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The Norwegian Nobel Committee — a committee of five people chosen by the Norwegian parliament who award the Nobel Peace Prize — receives hundreds of nominations to consider for the prize every year. This year, a record 330 people were nominated, according to Bloomberg.
This is not the first time that Trump has been nominated for the prize as a result of his efforts to bring peace to the Korean peninsula.
In April, South Korean President Moon Jae-in said that Trump deserves to win the Nobel Peace Prize for his role in bringing about the denuclearization talks on the Korean peninsula and the possibility of an official end to decades-long war between North and South.
“President Trump should win the Nobel Peace Prize,” Moon is said to have told a meeting of senior secretaries, according to a Korean official who briefed the media. “What we need is only peace.”

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Following the South Korean president’s informal nomination, a group of 18 Republican members of Congress signed their names to a letter formally nominating Trump for the prize in May.
The letter was sent by Rep. Luke Messer of Indiana to the chair of the Norwegian Nobel Committee on Wednesday and signed on to by 17 other House GOP members, including Reps. Mark Meadows of North Carolina, Matt Gaetz of Florida, Diane Black and Marsha Blackburn of Tennessee, and Steve King of Iowa to name some.
In the letter, the lawmakers commend Trump for working “tirelessly to apply maximum pressure on North Korea to end its illicit weapons program and bring peace to the region.”
“His Administration successfully united the international community, including China, to impose one of the most international sanctions regimes in history,” which “have been largely credited for bringing North Korea to the negotiating table,” they said.
After roughly five hours of talks between Trump and Kim in Singapore on Tuesday, the two leaders emerged from the summit with an agreement that includes the “complete denuclearization of the Korean peninsula.”
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“President Trump committed to provide security guarantees to the DPRK and Chairman Kim Jong Un reaffirmed his unwavering commitment to complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula,” read the preamble of the document, according to the New York Post.
The two countries also agreed to work toward “peace and prosperity,” a “stable peace” on the peninsula, to work “toward the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula,” and to commit to “recovering POW/MIA remains including the immediate reparations of those already identified.”
Trump acknowledged that denuclearization won’t happen overnight, but said, “Once you start the process it means it’s pretty much over.”
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Tuesday, June 12, 2018

Will There Be Peace On The Korean Peninsula?

Trump's Big North Korean Moment Is Either A Masterstroke Or A Horrible Debacle. There's No In-Between.

Trump Kim
SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images
On Monday evening, President Trump met with North Korean dictator Kim Jung Un, the tyrannical overlord of a slave state with 25 million prisoners and a gulag system containing hundreds of thousands of human beings, a radical threat to world peace who has tested nuclear weapons and long-range missiles. Trump gave Kim the thumbs up; the American flag, the symbol of freedom in the world, was placed alongside the flag of North Korea, the closest thing to the Nazi swastika in the world today. Then President Trump praised Kim fulsomely, using verbiage to describe him that he would never use about our G-7 allies.
And the right celebrated.
There’s nothing to celebrate yet. Nothing. Here’s why.
1. Trump Got No Serious Concessions From Kim. According to Trump, Kim said he’ll denuclearize. Sure he will. Just as the Kim family has promised verbally to denuclearize for decades. The actual signed agreement between the United States and North Korea is pathetically weak. As Heritage Foundation research fellow for Northeast Asia Bruce Klingner states:
Here’s what the document itself says:
President Donald J Trump of the United States of America and Chairman Kim Jong Un of the State Affairs Commission of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) held first historic summit in Singapore on June 12, 2018.
President Trump and Chairman Kim Jong Un conducted a comprehensive in-depth and sincere exchange of opinions on the issues related to the establishment of new US-DPRK relations and the building of a lasting and robust peace regime on the Korean Peninsula. President Trump committed to provide security guarantees to the DPRK, and Chairman Kim Jong Un reaffirmed his firm and unwavering commitment to complete denuclearization of the Korean peninsula.
Convinced that the establishment of new US-DPRK relations will contribute to the peace and prosperity of the Korean peninsula and of the world, and recognizing that mutual confidence building can promote the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, President Trump and Chairman Kim Jong Un state the following:
  1. The United States and the DPRK commit to establish new US-DPRK relations in accordance with the desire of the peoples of the two countries for peace and prosperity
  2. The United States and the DPRK will join their efforts to build a lasting and stable peace regime on the Korean Peninsula
  3. Reaffirming the April 27, 2018 Panmunjom Declaration, the DPRK commits to work toward complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula
  4. The United States and the DPRK commit to recovering POW/MIA remains, including the immediate repatriation of those already identified.
Having acknowledged that the US-DPRK summit — the first in history — was an epochal event of great significance in overcoming decades of tensions and hostilities between the two countries and for the opening up of a new future, President Trump and Chairman Kim Jong Un commit to implement the stipulation in this joint statement fully and expeditiously. The United States and the DPRK commit to hold follow-on negotiations, led by the US Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, and a relevant high-level DPRK official, at the earliest possible date, to implement the outcomes of the US-DPRK summit.
President Donald J Trump of the United States of America and Chairman Kim Jong Un of the State Affairs Commission of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea have committed to cooperate for the development of new US-DPRK relations and for the promotion of peace, prosperity, and security of the Korean Peninsula and of the world.
There’s nothing new here.
The only thing that seemingly changes here is the explicit commitment by the North Korean government to recovering remains from the POW/MIAs of the Korean War. But Korean officials have been promising that same thing for years, and indeed, between 1996 and 2005, US-NK search teams “conducted 33 joint recovery operations and recovered 229 sets of American remains.” That program was discontinued because North Korea insisted we pay them for the privilege, a program some Americans referred to as “bones for bucks.” But we recontinued it in 2011, then stopped again in 2016.
So, what justifies all of this? Here’s Trump’s description of what he got in negotiations:
What did they do to justify this meeting? Secured commitment for complete denuclearization. That’s the big thing.
But that’s precisely what the North Koreans have been promising for the entirety of negotiations stretching back decades. They’ve always been lying.
2. Trump Legitimized Kim. Trump legitimized Kim. There are no two ways about it. Here’s the triumphal video Trump released this morning:
That video is inappropriate for any meeting with a dictator, let alone a dictator who uses WMD to kill a family member in an airport. If this video had been produced by Kim for propaganda use by his own people, that would have been just as believable.
But that was just the beginning. Trump said it was his “great honor” to meet Kim. He called Kim “very talented” and added that “you can take 1 out of 10,000” and they wouldn’t be able to do what Kim has done. He said Kim was “very smart” and a “very good negotiator.” He said that it’s a “rough situation” in North Korea but it’s also “rough in a lot of places.” He credited Kim with making the Olympics a “tremendous success by agreeing to participate.” Finally, he said, “His country does love him. His people, you see the fervor.” That’s pathetic. If Obama had said it, conservatives would rightly have gone ballistic. (And by the way, if Obama had said it, the media currently crushing Trump would have praised him to the skies.)
3. Trump Delegitimized America’s Actions In The Korean Region. Trump said that he would stop a planned military exercise with the South Koreans, and that he wanted to pull American troops off the Korean peninsula:
At some point I have to be honest. I used to say this during my campaign as you know better than most. I want to get our soldiers out. I want to bring our soldiers back home. We have 32,000 soldiers in South Korea. I would like to be able to bring them back home. That’s not part of the equation. At some point, I hope it would be. We will stop the war games which will save us a tremendous amount of money. Unless and until we see the future negotiations is not going along like it should. We will be saving a tremendous amount of money. Plus. It is very provocative.
The exercises have reportedly been postponed; there’s no reality to the movement of American troops off the peninsula, thank goodness.
Trump even parroted Kim blaming the United States for past North Korean failures to abide by their word:
He said that, you know, there are reasons [Kim Jung Il] didn't [abide by his agreements] because he was let down by the United States, but that’s irrelevant. What he’s doing, and and he very much said that, he said you know over the years -- first of all, they’ve never gone this far, you know, they’ve never been at a level like this, and his father never dealt with a president, and a lot of other things. But he said, it’s very much on his mind. He said, "We are going to get this done." In the past we’ve tried, but it never worked out and it never did work out. And it was embarrassing actually to the United states and to our leadership.
Furthermore, Trump signaled that America’s military options are off the table – he explained that in a war, “I think you could have lost 20 million people or 30 million people. This is really an honor for me to do this. I think potentially you could have lost 30 million or 40 million people.” So much for the threat of force bringing Kim to the table.
Now, perhaps all of this is worth it. Perhaps something real does materialize from this meeting. If so, it will have been a masterstroke – a move of genius. If not, it’s a debacle. There’s no in-between here. President Trump treated Kim Jung Un with respect unbefitting one of the worst human beings on planet earth, particularly from the leader of the free world. He better get something extraordinary in exchange.

Tuesday, September 26, 2017

Nuclear Bombs Are Not The "Little Dictator's" Only Weapon

The Wide Spectrum of North Korea’s Weapons of Mass Destruction

By September 26, 2017


BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 596, September 26, 2017
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: In parallel with its growing offensive nuclear capabilities, North Korea possesses fully operational, extensive arsenals of chemical and biological weapons. Pyongyang’s possession of these weapons, which are intact and ready for use, has serious implications, some of which pertain to Iran and Syria.
The US Defense Intelligence Agency recently estimated that North Korea might possess up to 60 nuclear warheads. There are different estimates as to the segmentation of this inventory in relation to various delivery systems, but it is clear that Pyongyang’s objective is to establish the capacity to bring the entire US within range of its ballistic-nuclear ordnance. South Korea and Japan are almost certainly completely covered.
Pyongyang has already achieved partial coverage of US territories. Last June, in a hearing before the US House Armed Services Committee, the head of the US Missile Defense Agency, Vice Admiral James Syring, said: “The advancement and demonstration of technology of ballistic missiles from North Korea in the last six months have caused great concern to me and others. It is incumbent on us to assume that North Korea today can range the US with an ICBM carrying a nuclear warhead.”
This particular endeavor was likely assisted by Tehran. A February 2016 report by the Congressional Research Service concluded, “Iran has likely exceeded North Korea’s ability to develop, test, and build ballistic missiles.” Tehran might be, and probably is, helpful to Pyongyang with respect to technological aspects of the nuclear sphere as well.
The nuclear component within the spectrum of North Korea’s weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) is evidently growing. The big question is whether the country’s despot, Kim Jong-un, will be the first person to use nuclear weapons since 1945.
Quite recently, Kim elected to employ a highly lethal chemical weapon, the nerve agent VX, for a political assassination. This weapon was used last February by two female operatives, one Indonesian and the other Vietnamese, to murder Kim Jong-un’s estranged half-brother, Kim Jong-nam, in Malaysia. The victim died shortly after being assaulted by the two women, who wiped VX on his face as he prepared to board a flight to the Chinese territory of Macau. Traces of VX were revealed on swabs taken from his eyes and face.
This deadly chemical agent was probably smuggled from North Korea to Malaysia, which in and of itself was an intriguing and risky move. Six of eight potential suspects were from Pyongyang’s Ministries of State Security and Foreign Affairs. The suspects flew from Kuala Lumpur on the day of the assassination, passing through Vladivostok on their way back to Pyongyang. South Korea’s request to detain four of the suspects was rejected by Russian officials on the grounds of lack of evidence.
It can be assumed that Kim Jong-un was in on the plot from its inception. Symbolically, at least, this political assassination by VX can be regarded as an indication of Pyongyang’s chemical weapons (CW) capabilities. Whether the regime intended it to or not, the assassination signaled the readiness, usability, and deployability of North Korea’s VX, which can be used for guerrilla warfare, chemical terrorism, or wide-scale chemical attack.
VX is also weaponized within warheads carried by ballistic missiles in Pyongyang’s  vast CW arsenal. The North Korean ballistic program constitutes the principal, though not the only, vehicle for all three WMD programs. The CW and biological weapons (BW) programs are fully matured and have marked operational offensive capabilities. Inadequate attention is being paid to Pyongyang’s large-scale offensive capacities in terms of CW and BW, but the VX political assassination incident was a wake-up call (if unintentional).
If a violent conflict arises with North Korea, the menace of non-nuclear WMD is real, whether or not a nuclear confrontation occurs. Pyongyang’s concrete CW and BW capabilities and related alignments ought to be monitored meticulously, in conjunction with its nuclear capability.
In East Asia, Japan is seriously threatened by North Korea, as is South Korea. At a parliamentary panel on national security, Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe warned that Pyongyang might already be capable of firing missiles tipped with warheads containing the sarin nerve agent toward Japan. It can be assumed that he had concrete knowledge of what he was talking about and that his worry was genuine.
VX and sarin constitute but two of the chemical warfare agents comprising a vast toxic stockpile possessed by Pyongyang. That stockpile also contains mustard gas, lewisite, phosgene oxime, and other agents. North Korea is believed to have 2,500-5,000 tons of chemical warfare agents. Its annual production capacity, though, is 4,500 tons in peacetime and 12,000 tons in wartime.
South Korean experts estimate that Pyongyang has four military bases equipped with CW, 11 facilities where CW are produced and stored, and 13 dedicated research and development facilities.
It is the immensity of both the CW and BW programs that chiefly distinguishes them. The BW program is under the control of the country’s top geneticist, Dr. Yi Yong Su. The biological inventory is believed to include highly virulent influenza viruses, smallpox, Korean hemorrhagic fever, yellow fever, anthrax germs, plague, cholera, and typhoid. Specific facilities have been identified that deal with influenza and anthrax, with eight installations engaging in the production of highly virulent influenza viruses.
Institute 398 is the most prominent of these facilities. Located at Singam-Ri, south of Pyongyang, Institute 398 is heavily ringed by military units. All that is visible above ground is a cluster of concrete-block buildings and fuel storage tanks. The laboratories, including two dealing with the latest molecular biology technology, are hidden far below ground. BW field tests are being conducted on the island territories belonging to North Korea, and political prisoners are used for live biological experiments.
The weaponization of BW agents has been linked to several facilities, such as the Germ Research Institute, the Central Biological Research Institute, the so-called Military Biodefense Unit, the No. 5 Factory, and the Bio-Technical Institute. The last facility, a factory ostensibly for the production of an agricultural bioinsecticide, actually produces weaponized anthrax. This facility was visited by Kim Jong-un in 2015, where he was photographed by North Korean television posing with advanced lab equipment and military personnel. In a further demonstration by the ruler last August, he paid a visit to the Chemical Material Institute of the Academy of Defense Science, a highly advanced institute that mainly deals with missiles, including those with chemical and biological warheads.
But in general, the regime tends towards concealment. With the object of forming extremely scattered alignments that can scarcely be identified let alone monitored, there are about 1,500-3,000 North Koreans and 25-30 entities involved in the BW program; 3,500-5,000 people and 25-50 entities involved in the CW program; and about 9,000-15,000 people and 100-150 entities involved in the research, development, testing, and production of nuclear weapons.
Research, development, and production of North Korean CW and BW are conducted by two organizations subordinate to the Korean Workers’ Party Munitions Industry Department: the Second Academy of Natural Sciences and the Second Economic Committee’s Fifth Machine Industry Bureau, which controls all facilities and sub-facilities where CW and BW are produced. Both organizations receive cooperation and assistance from the Korean Academy of Sciences and the Korean People’s Army. The academy’s Third Machine Industry Bureau produces artillery shells, the Fourth missile warheads, and the Seventh air-delivered weapons.
A few years ago, the North Korean arsenal was estimated to include about 150 chemical warheads plus several dozen biological warheads for ballistic missiles. It should be assumed that most of the missiles Pyongyang possesses and is currently developing are intended to carry chemical and biological warheads, among others.
An additional major delivery tool for Pyongyang’s CW and BW payloads reportedly consists of 300 to 400 unmanned aerial attack vehicles. Parts of this fleet can reach Seoul, the South Korean capital, within one hour. Another item in Pyongyang’s inventory is aerial bombs filled with CW and BW agents. Perhaps the most ominous potential deployment of CW by North Korea is via artillery shells and rockets containing chemical agents. Such ordnance, which is already amassed adjacent to the demilitarized zone along the border with South Korea, could in theory be put to use at a moment’s notice. Pyongyang could use these weapons to strike Seoul within half an hour of war’s breaking out, or indeed as a preceding move.
It has also been assessed that epidemic BW agents are likely to be dispersed by Pyongyang’s Special Operations Forces through a secret attack in the enemy’s rear, whether that enemy be South Korea, Japan, or the US. Such a worrisome scenario could take place prior to, during, or irrespective of a military confrontation. Brig. Gen. (ret.) Woon Goh, former Chemical-Biological-Radiological Defense Commander of South Korea, recently pointed out the likelihood of BW and CW being used by North Korea and the preparedness of South Korea for such events, particularly in terms of coping with a biological attack.
Within the framework of the recent massive US-South Korean joint military exercise, a two-day drill simulated an assault on Pyongyang’s CW laboratories. The collaborating forces stormed an imitation village loaded with sarin gas facilities. At the same time, South Korean police and military units conducted a large-scale exercise on coping with a chemical terrorism attack by Pyongyang on a central subway station in Seoul. It is of note that the US Army 23rd chemical battalion, which left South Korea in 2004 and returned in 2013 to support the South Korean military and US troops based in the South, participated in these exercises.
Last June, the US Department of the Army Headquarters issued a 70-page manual on “Combined Arms Countering Weapons of Mass Destruction” possessed by “actors of concern.” Its object is to “curtail the research, development, possession, proliferation, use, and effects of chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear weapons, related expertise, materials, technologies, and means of delivery.”
Of concern as well are two intercepted shipments of CW or related components that originated from the Korea Mining Development Trading Corporation (KOMID), Pyongyang’s primary arms dealer and main exporter of goods and equipment related to ballistic missiles. The consignees were Syrian entities designated by the EU and the US as front companies for Syria’s Scientific Studies and Research Centre (SSRC; also named CERS), an entity previously identified as having cooperated with KOMID on prohibited item transfers.
Key Iranian authorities were also involved. Iran is certainly aware of, if not actively encouraging, North Korean military deliveries to Syria, including CW. Iran is building a Scud missile factory near the city of Baniyas, south of Latakia, in an area seen as a bastion of support for the embattled Assad regime. The inconclusively specified Syrian installations recently bombed in the Masyaf military compound represent a similar conjunction, largely controlled by the Iranians – possibly with North Korean involvement – of a highly classified offshoot of the SSRC. The installations in Masyaf, which have been closely monitored for several years, are believed to contain secret, uninspected sections linked to CW and to advanced surface-to-surface missiles and rockets.
Collectively, the wide spectrum of Pyongyang’s WMD, apart from its geostrategic relevance to East Asia and in relation to the US, has meaningful hidden interfaces with Syria and Iran. Those ongoing interfaces consist of the transfer of knowhow, components, or weaponry 1) between Pyongyang and Tehran regarding the nuclear, chemical and biological spheres; 2) from North Korea to Syria regarding the chemical and biological spheres; and 3) from Iran to Syria regarding the chemical and biological spheres. In addition, Iran may be using the uncontrolled land pathways it now occupies to and from Syria rather than only the airways for dispatches between Iran and North Korea.
For many years, Pyongyang has been technologically supporting the weaponization of CW and BW agents via various delivery systems in both Iran and Syria, and has built factories for that purpose. The full scope of those activities is not clear, as they are mostly covert. As one example, in 2012, Pyongyang apparently supplied Iran and Syria with genetically modified BW agents intended for weaponization.
Obviously, the North Korea-Iran-Syria interface ought to be meticulously monitored. In certain respects, Iranian knowhow and technologies are better than those of North Korea, so it can be of consequential assistance to Pyongyang. If not properly monitored, that assistance could result in undesirable developments taking place without warning.
As for North Korea itself, the conflict over restraining its nuclear program is intensifying – but its CW and BW arsenals are unfortunately likely to remain intact and ready for use.
Lt. Col. (res.) Dr. Dany Shoham, a microbiologist and an expert on chemical and biological warfare in the Middle East, is a senior research associate at the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies. He is a former senior intelligence analyst in the IDF and the Israeli Defense Ministry.
BESA Center Perspectives Papers are published through the generosity of the Greg Rosshandler Family