For Non-Muslims, Life In Turkey Is Like Dancing On The Pin Of A Needle.

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How Non-Muslims "Survive" in Turkey by Burak Bekdil April 30, 2015 at 4:00 am http://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/5636/turkey-non-muslims 30 Comment A non-Muslim can rise and become a darling of today's neo-Ottoman Turks. He can win hearts and minds in important offices in Ankara -- and a bright career. But to maintain his fortunes, he must remain loyal to the official Islamist line, both in deed and rhetoric. That is the kind of collective psychology into which Turkey's ruling Islamists force non-Muslims: either become a collaborator or... Last October, Etyen Mahcupyan, a leading Turkish Armenian intellectual, "liberal" writer and columnist, was appointed as "chief advisor" to Turkey's Prime Minister, Ahmet Davutoglu. At first glance, this was good news in a country where Islamists privately adhere to the old Ottoman "millet" system, in which non-Muslims were treated as second-class (if not third-class) citizens. In reality, Mahcupyan was a reincarnation of the Ottoman "devshirme" system, in which the Ottoman state machinery produced several non-Muslim converts who enjoyed a place in the higher echelons of the palace bureaucracy, and the finer things of life, because their pragmatism earned them excellent relations with the ruling Muslim elite. Prominent non-Muslims in Turkey, then and now. Left, an Ottoman Janissary officer, who was taken as a child from a non-Muslim minority community. Right, the Armenian Christian intellectual Etyen Mahcupyan, who "retired" from his position as advisor to Turkey's Prime Minister after he angered Turkey's ruling Islamists by saying "what happened to Armenians in 1915" was "genocide". In a December interview with Turkey's leading daily, Hurriyet, Mahcupyan said, "Whatever has been a [political] asset for Turkey's Armenian community (they number around 60,000) is an asset for the Jewish community too. But... there is Israel... As long as the psychology of the Israel issue continues to influence politics in Turkey and relations between the two countries do not normalize..." The line, which Mahcupyan shyly did not finish, probably would have gone on like this: "Turkey's Jews will keep on paying the price." Mahcupyan admitted that if Turkey's Jews felt alienated, it was the government's responsibility to do something about that. What more? "I have lived through this personally for the past 60 years," he explained. "Among Turkey's non-Muslim minorities, including Jews and Armenians, there is an opinion about humiliating Muslims." As Mahcupyan's statement is not true, it therefore just seems a way to justify Islamists' intimidation of Jews. Next, Mahcupyan argued, "Both Jews and Armenians are better-educated [than Muslim Turks] and more open to the West. And this brings in a feeling of superiority complex." In this view, daily attacks on Turkey's Jews and other non-Muslims happen because Jews and Armenians humiliate Muslims -- they are better-educated than Muslims and hence their superiority complex. The charge is, at best, silly. Only a few months later, Mahcupyan would learn how wrong he was about the Islamist supremacists in Ankara and their inherent intolerance to liberal thinking. Mahcupyan recently commented on Pope Francis's remarks on April 12, in which the Pope described 1915 as "the first genocide of the 20th century," and said that the Vatican had "thrown off a 100-year-old psychological burden." If, Mahcupyan said, accepting that what happened in Bosnia and Africa were genocides, "it is impossible not to call what happened to Armenians in 1915 genocide, too." It was probably the first time in Turkish history that a senior government official recognized the Armenian genocide. Once again, at first glance, that was good news in a country where outright denial has been the persistent official policy. But it seems Turkey was not quite as liberal as Mahcupyan had thought. Immediately after his remarks became public, EU Minister Volkan Bozkir expressed unease, saying that "Mahcupyan's description was not appropriate for his title of adviser." But that was not the only price Mahcupyan would have to pay. A few days after his remarks on genocide, Mahcupyan, "retired" as chief adviser to Prime Minister Davutoglu -- after only about six months in the job. Officially, Mahcupyan had retired in March after turning 65, the mandatory retirement age for civil servants. But it was an open secret in Ankara that his departure came simply because Turkey's Islamists were not quite the liberals he had claimed they were. The "Mahcupyan affair" has a message to Turkey's dwindling non-Muslim minorities: Just like an Ottoman devshirme, a non-Muslim can rise and become a darling of today's neo-Ottoman Turks. He can win hearts and minds in important offices in Ankara -- and a bright career. But to maintain his fortunes he must remain loyal to the official Islamist line, both in deed and rhetoric. Just one unpleasant utterance would suffice to end a devshirme's career in government service. That is the kind of collective psychology into which Turkey's ruling Islamists force non-Muslims: either become a collaborator, or... There is another Turkish Armenian columnist who looks more seasoned than Mahcupyan in hisdevshirme career. Markar Esayan, a writer for a fiercely pro-government daily, recently said in reference to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's 2014 statement about the Armenian victims of 1915: "[Erdogan's] message of condolences illustrates how we have achieved the Ottoman spirit in line with this century and its democratic practice. Furthermore, the practices in the last 13 years [of the Justice and Development Party's rule] have positively influenced our [Armenian] community and non-Muslims." Apparently Esayan is happy with Turkey's neo-Ottomans and their Islamist rule, including their rigid policies of genocide-denial, which he claims have done good to Turkey's Armenians and other non-Muslim citizens. Etyen Mahcupyan may have been punished, but Markar Esayan is being rewarded for his loyalty: he has been selected to run for parliament on the ticket of Prime Minister Davutoglu's party! Burak Bekdil, based in Ankara, is a Turkish columnist for the Hürriyet Daily and a Fellow at the Middle East Forum.

Freedom Is In The Eye Of The Beholder And In Turkey It Is Blind!

Erdogan in Wonderland: "Freedom" in Turkey

by Burak Bekdil
January 3, 2015 at 5:00 am

http://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/5002/press-freedom-turkey

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Comment

Erdogan can be very sure of himself when he claims that Turkey has the world's freest press. But then there are facts.
Police detained a 16-year-old boy for "insult," with the prosecutors asking for up to four years in prison. He allegedly said that he considered Erdogan as "the leader of corruption, bribery and theft."
A Turkish journalist and anchorwoman, Sedef Kabas, was detained after a tweet in which she called on citizens not to forget the name of the judge who dropped, apparently under government pressure, a high-profile corruption probe against Erdogan, his four cabinet ministers at the time, their sons and a shady businessman.
Pinar Turenç, head of Turkey's Press Council, portrayed the "world's freest country" as: "Censorship, self-censorship... injuries, use of tear gas, batons, journalists... who are being tried under or without arrest, and bans of media publications.... a really serious picture for law and democracy."

Apparently, there are lies, statistics -- and Turkish lies.
Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan thinks that he can claim the world is flat and everybody will believe him. He has little idea how he ridicules his own country when he sounds like former North Korean and Iranian presidents Kim Jong-il ("If I am being talked about, I must be doing the right things.") and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad ("In Iran, we don't have homosexuals.")
"We used to think that he [Erdogan] resorts to such rhetoric for domestic consumption. Now we tend to think that he lives in a make-believe world, a kind of parallel universe," a European ambassador told this author over another jaw-dropping Erdogan speech.
On Dec. 26, Erdogan claimed in televised remarks that Turkey had the freest press in the world. When he said that, the country "with the freest press in the world" was ranking 154th on the international press freedoms index. In 2012 and 2013, Erdogan's Turkey had jailed more journalists than in China and Iran combined. The numbers for 2014 will unlikely change.
"Nowhere in the world is the press freer than it is in Turkey. I'm very sure of myself when I say this," Erdogan said, leaving the European ambassador (and probably millions of others too) almost speechless.
Erdogan can be very sure of himself when he claims that Turkey has the world's freest press. But then there are facts. This is a glimpse of the country with the "freest press" a few days before and after Erdogan portrayed Turkey as such.
Turkey woke up to a chilly morning on Dec. 4 when, in a series of police raids, journalists, editors and playwrights, including the editor-in-chief of a popular newspaper, were arrested on charges of terrorism. Some of the suspects are still behind bars, pending trial.
More recently, police detained a 16-year-old boy at his school for "insulting President Erdogan" in remarks he allegedly made a day earlier. The teenager, identified only by his initials M.E.A., was kept in custody with adult detainees for two days before his release. He will be tried for "insult," with the prosecutors asking for up to four years in prison. M.E.A. allegedly said that he considered Erdogan as "the leader of corruption, bribery and theft."
"My son has not robbed. He has committed no ignominious crime. But they took him from school as if he were an armed terrorist," M.E.A.'s jobless mother, Nazmiye Gok, said. "The decision for his arrest is a disgrace ... Because he is still a child, but they sent him to jail while he has to be at school."
Ironically, on the same day as the minor M.E.A. was in custody and Erdogan spoke of the world's freest country, a 17-year-old high school student was sentenced to three months in jail with four other teenagers for setting up tents during anti-government protests in 2013. Mustafa Ali Tonbul's sentence was turned into a fine and will not be executed unless he commits the same offense in the next three years. But Tonbul, who was left permanently injured after a police tear gas canister hit his skull, said that the ruling would not intimidate him from continuing political activism.
Meanwhile, only four days after Erdogan's speech, a Turkish journalist and anchorwoman, Sedef Kabas, was detained after a tweet in which she called on citizens not to forget the name of the judge who dropped, apparently under government pressure, a high-profile corruption probe against Erdogan, his four cabinet ministers at the time, their sons and a shady Iranian businessman.
"Do not forget the name of the judge who decided not to pursue the proceedings in the Dec. 17 [2013 corruption] probe," Kabas tweeted. Despite massive evidence including audio recordings, a chief prosecutor in Istanbul on Dec. 16 dropped all charges against the suspects.
Kabas was later released but remains a suspect; her first hearing is scheduled for Jan. 5. Kabas is charged with "targeting people who are involved in anti-terror operations," which in this case is the prosecutor who dropped the corruption probe. According to the prosecutors, Kabas' tweet was criminal, the prosecutor who dropped the corruption charges was an anti-terror official and, naturally, the prosecutors who had indicted the bigwigs were terrorists. Too complex? Just Turkish.
Against such backdrop, Turkey's Press Council released a report detailing the state of the media in 2014. "It was a tough year," the Council concluded. According to Pınar Turenç, the head of the Council, there are signs of a "witch-hunt against journalists."

Activists from Amnesty International-Turkey protest limits on freedom of expression. (Image source: Amnesty International-Turkey)

Turenc portrayed the "world's freest country" as: "Censorship, self-censorship, [problems when getting] accreditations [for the prime minister's office], injuries, use of tear gas, batons, hundreds of unemployed journalists, those who are being tried under or without arrest and bans of media publications ... When you put all these together, it is a really serious picture for the rule of law and democracy."
Erdogan is Turkey's best ever story teller. He can be many Turks' nightmare, but when he speaks, he certainly is fun.

Burak Bekdil, based in Ankara, is a Turkish columnist for the Hürriyet Daily and a Fellow at the Middle East Forum

Can You Imagine Living In A Judicial Funny Farm Like Turkey?

"Justice" in Turkey

by Burak Bekdil
December 20, 2014 at 5:00 am

http://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/4958/justice-in-turkey

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The oppressors change, oppression does not.
The U.S. and EU expressed concern about media freedom and the independence of the judiciary in Turkey.

Turkey changes, and it does not. The oppressors change; oppression does not.
Every Turkish courtroom sports in big, bold letters the proud dictum: "Justice is the foundation of the state." Perhaps that explains why the Turkish state looks like a makeshift building without a proper foundation.
In Turkey, the ruling ideology has changed from one belief to another. The bête noire for the state also changed -- in line with what the dominant ideology has crowned, or what is perceived as threat.
Between 1923, when Ataturk built modern Turkey, and 2002, when the (Islamist) Justice and Development Party [AKP] came to power, the usual suspects were the liberals, Islamists, non-Muslim minorities, communists, Kurds and random dissidents.
The state machinery often effectively used law enforcement authorities and the justice system to punish the "internal threats" to the state's own survivability. Government bigwigs, judges and generals were largely the "untouchables." In 2002, this author was given a 20-month suspended prison sentence for an article criticizing corruption in the judiciary ("Turkey's 'De Jure' Untouchables," Aug. 21, 2001, Turkish Daily News.) In 2005, the Court of Appeals approved the sentence.
The AKP's rise to, and consolidation of, power reshuffled the usual suspects and the dominant ideology, but left random punishment unchanged. Only a month ago, a university professor of astronomy was put behind bars for not allowing female students to take his classes because they wore the Islamic headscarf. The legal case for the campus ban on the headscarf is complicated. There is still a valid ruling from the Constitutional Court that favors the ban; and a ruling from the European Court of Human Rights that says the ban does not constitute aviolation of rights. But there is also a parliamentary decision that legalizes the headscarf on campus. The professor of astronomy went to jail because he thought the supreme court's decision overruled the bill that passed in parliament.
Before the AKP, female students with headscarves were punished for manifesting Islamist headgear (and ideology). Today, secular professors are punished for not allowing Islamist headgear.
Similarly, after the AKP consolidated power in the late 2000s, after successive election victories, and "tamed" the secular generals, its staunchest Islamist allies, known as "Gulenists," launched a law enforcement and judicial campaign to "liquidate" hundreds of generals, officers, journalists and academics. The Gulenists had infiltrated into the higher ranks of both the police force and the judiciary, and are widely believed to have fabricated evidence to prosecute anti-Islamist groups on charges that they plotted a coup d'état against the AKP government. Scenes of top brass generals, including a former chief of the military, prominent journalists, writers and intellectuals being arrested at police raids, usually at dawn, traumatized much of the Turkish society. On December 14, 2014, Turkey woke up to the same scenes, but this time the victims were the Gulenists themselves.
The first signs of cracks between the AKP and Gulenists appeared in 2012. Due to ideological differences, and what looked like an apparent power-sharing battle, the allies were no longerallies. At the end of 2013, the war was "official": secretive sources, believed to be Gulenists, started to leak embarrassing audio recordings implicating serious graft involving (then) Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, his family and four ministers in his cabinet.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (L), and Fethullah Gülen.

In the local elections of March 2014, Erdogan's AKP won a comfortable 43.3% of the vote. That vote, and Erdogan's subsequent victory in presidential elections in August, marked not just a bad, but a dramatic, omen for the Gulenists.
Erdogan, in almost every public speech he made, vowed revenge. Last week, Erdogan implied that the Gulenists were conspiring against Turkey, "with the southern country which they love," an apparent reference to Israel.
In the early hours of Sunday, December 14, the police detained 31 people, including prominent media figures and high-ranking police officers, all believed to be members of the Gulen movement. Its leader, Futhullah Gulen, lives in self-exile in Pennsylvania, where he runs an empire of charters schools in the U.S. and half the globe, media outlets and companies, such as the Gulenists' flagship daily newspaper in Turkey, Zaman; its English language version,Today's Zaman, and the Samanyolu media group.
Zaman's editor-in-chief, Ekrem Dumanli, was among the detainees charged with "setting up an illegal organization in order to destroy Turkey's democratic regime."
Shortly before his arrest, Dumanli made a speech, broadcast live on television, defiantly calling on the police to detain him. Dumanli said that he was being accused of "traveling to Israel and Brussels" shortly before the leak campaign began in December 2013. The charge was a sign of government claims that Israel and the EU were part of efforts to topple the AKP government. He said he did not travel to Israel, although as an editor-in-chief, he often went to Brussels.
Hidayet Karaca, the head of Gulen's Samanyolu media group -- and a producer, scriptwriter and director -- was also detained, as well as Tufan Erguder, the former head of the Istanbul Police Department's anti-terror branch.
"The detentions have been ordered [for the people on the list] in order to take their testimonies on charges of founding and directing an armed terror organization, being a member of this organization, and engaging in forgery and slander," a statement from the prosecutor's office said. And hell broke loose.
Two leading journalists' associations and trade unions and the main opposition condemned the detentions. The U.S. and EU expressed concern about media freedom and the independence of the judiciary in Turkey.
Gulenists' former foes, journalists who had been detained by allegedly Gulenists judges but were later released, tweeted in solidarity: "This is time to fight fascism. No matter who the victims are..." In return, the Gulenists thanked them shyly. "Forgive us... We did not defend your freedoms a few years ago as you are defending ours today," one Zaman editor tweeted.
The Crescent and Star looks like Giuseppe Tomasi di Lampedusa's famous novel "The Leopard" (Il Gattopardo). One of the most memorable lines in the book is spoken by the protagonist's nephew, urging his uncle unsuccessfully to abandon his allegiance to the disintegrating Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, to ally himself with Giuseppe Garibaldi and the House of Savoy: "If we want things to stay as they are," he says, "they will have to change."

Burak Bekdil, based in Ankara, is a Turkish columnist for the Hürriyet Daily and a Fellow at the Middle East Forum.

Reports Of Muslim Brotherhood Retreats In Middle East May Be Premature. This Movement Is Insidious And As Quickly As It Rose And Fell, It Could Rise Again

In the Middle East, the Muslim Brotherhood is in retreat

Jonathan Spyer - The Jerusalem Post,  October 12th, 2013

The Sunni Islamist movement’s fortunes have been reversed throughout the Middle East, with the Brotherhood losing power in both Egypt and Tunisia, as well as influence in Syria, Turkey, Qatar and Gaza.

A supporter of the Muslim Brotherhood at Giza Square, south of Cairo, August 19, 2013.  (Photo: REUTERS)

Reports surfaced this week suggesting that Hamas leader Khaled Mashaal is seeking to relocate from his current base in the Qatari capital of Doha. Hamas has indignantly rejected these claims.

This shouldn’t be taken as authoritative – the movement also dismissed evidence that it was leaving Damascus in 2012, until the move was complete and could no longer be denied.

If it turns out that the Hamas leadership is indeed on its way out of Qatar, this is the latest indication of the astonishing change of fortunes that has hit the Muslim Brotherhood. History may remember 2013 as the year of the movement’s eclipse, after its very brief moment in the sun in 2011-2012.

At the beginning of this year, the Brotherhood held power in Egypt and Tunisia. A Syrian insurgency dominated by militias with similar ideas to the Brotherhood and supported by the same patron (Qatar) looked to be heading for victory in Syria’s civil war.

A Brotherhood-related party was in power in Turkey, and the Emirate of Qatar had emerged as the energetic financier and enthusiastic cheerleader of the Brothers’ advance across the region.

Qatar, through its immensely popular Al Jazeera channel, had the ability to sculpt public opinion according to its will, across borders in the Arabic-speaking world.

The Brotherhood/Qatari alliance also seemed well on the way to claiming the commanding stake in Palestinian nationalism. Hamas, the Palestinian branch of the movement, had carved out the only genuinely independent Palestinian entity in the Gaza Strip. This was pivotal as the Palestinian cause and opposition to Israel remain key badges of legitimacy in the politics of the Arab world.

Hamas, led by Mashaal, spent 2011 and 2012 relocating itself out of Damascus, drawing ever closer to Doha. Emir Hamad Bin Khalifa al-Thani then visited Hamas-controlled Gaza in October 2012, pledging $400 million to the Hamas enclave. Everything seemed to be going in the right direction.

But the advance of the Brotherhood was alarming to the conservative Gulf monarchies of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Israel, too, was watching events with concern. While Israel was far less vulnerable than the fragile Gulf states, the rise of the Brotherhood in Egypt seemed to promise trouble somewhere down the road.

In the course of 2013, the advance was reversed.

Most important, the Brotherhood was forcibly removed from power in Egypt in a Saudi and UAE-supported military coup in July. The new military regime is in the process of destroying Islamist military resistance. The Brotherhood has been declared illegal and will not be permitted to stand in future elections once the civilian political process has been reactivated.

In this age of asymmetric conflicts, in which the very concepts of victory and defeat are said to be obsolete, the Brotherhood in Egypt has suffered something that looks very much like an old fashioned, unambiguous and clear defeat.

In Qatar, meanwhile, the emir was replaced in June by his son, Tamim. The precise circumstances and reasons for Thani’s sudden departure from power remain mysterious.

Since then, Qatar has virtually disappeared from the regional stage. Its contributions to the Brotherhood in Egypt are drying up.

Hamas, alarmed by the turn of events in Egypt, is reactivating its contacts with Iran and the rival, Shi’ite-dominated Islamist bloc led by Tehran.

In Syria, President Bashar Assad’s regime rallied in the first months of 2013, and its existence is no longer in imminent danger. On the Syrian rebel side, meanwhile, it is now the Saudis who are making the running – officially supporting the “moderate” Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, and enabling the funding of Salafi organizations through private funds. The Qataris and the Brotherhood are no longer the main players. In the latest reversal of fortune, Tunisia’s al-Nahda party has agreed to dissolve the government that it formed following its election victory in 2011. The government will be replaced by an administration of technocrats pending new elections. This move follows the unrest and political crisis that erupted after the assassination of opposition leader Mohamed Brahmi in July.

In Turkey, meanwhile, the Brotherhood- aligned AKP is left to ponder the ruins of its plans and hopes for the region. It had expected the formation of an alliance of like-thinking Brotherhood-style Sunni Islamist regimes across the region, in North Africa, the Levant and the Gulf.

After the events of 2013, this is no longer on the cards. Instead, the AKP government must cope with angry protests by non- Islamist Turks, the loss of allies and regional isolation.

This appears to be taking its toll.

A broadcast featuring Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan discussing the crushing of the Brotherhood in Egypt had to be stopped recently when the Turkish leader began weeping uncontrollably.

What all this means is that on literally every front on which it made significant advances, the Brotherhood has now stalled.

Whether or not it turns out that the reports regarding Mashaal’s relocation are true, Hamas is being forced to reposition itself, and to go back to Iran with cap in hand. The reason is because this movement, too, had placed its bets on a Qatar-financed alliance of Brotherhood-oriented states – which will now not come into being.

The Brothers are by no means finished. Their politics retain a natural purchase in the conservative, Sunni Arab Middle East. But the moment when everything seemed possible has decidedly passed. What looked like the potential beginning of a new age ended up as a brief moment in the sun.

The sun is now setting on the Muslim Brotherhood’s hopes of regional domination.

US Puppets Never Last Long

If the US (CIA) has been funding and supplying arms to the "rebels" in Syria through Turkey, we should expect that the Prime Minister and his government should fail soon. When that happens, we suspect that the Turkish leader will face criminal charges or worse.

All you have to do is look back at other leaders who were our puppets and see their demise. Remember Noreyga of Panama and Saddam Hussein of Iraq for two. The former Panamanian dictator is in jail and Saddam is visiting with his 72 virgins.  Why would any one want to be our friend?

Conservative Tom

Turkey’s Arab Spring

June 6, 2013 by Bob Livingston 

There is a revolution growing in the Middle East you are not hearing about. The mainstream media are all but ignoring it, and there’s good reason. It’s not part of the plan. In fact, it threatens to upend the plans of the globalist elites running U.S. foreign policy in the region.

The Turkey uprising has been going on for a week. Unlike high-profile “Arab Spring” events in Egypt, Libya and Syria, this one is truly organic. It wasn’t instigated by the CIA and affiliated nongovernmental organizations. And it’s threatening the rule of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the U.S. puppet who has ruled the country since 2002.

Erdogan and President Barack Obama shake hands in the White House Rose Garden in May. Credit: UPI

The uprising began over the government’s decision to destroy a park in Istanbul and turn it into a shopping center. It grew after police cracked down on the protesters with tear gas and water cannons. It has grown beyond the park issue into a rejection of Erdoğan’s increasingly authoritarian rule, his crack down on press freedoms (hundreds of journalists have been imprisoned in recent years), Internet censorship and his pursuit of an Islamist agenda. In a television interview this week, Erdoğan described social media, including Twitter, as a “scourge”. But social media have taken on a particular importance as newspapers and television have come increasingly under the sway of government.

So far, two have died and more than 3,000 have been injured and dozens have been arrested in seven days of protests. Some in the Turkish government — like Deputy Prime Minister Bulent Arnic — are apologizing for the heavy-handed tactics police have used against Turkish citizens. But Erdoğan appears to be getting desperate and has begun calling protesters looters, vandals and terrorists.

The CIA has been using Turkey to funnel arms to the so-called rebels (really al-Qaida terrorists) trying overthrow the Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria. If Turkey comes apart the region could explode. And as Turkey is a member of NATO, the U.S. will be drawn into another shooting war in a place we don’t belong.

The protest may fizzle out. But it may also grow. And world wars have begun over less significant incidents.